?? ??

植芝 盛平(うえしば もりへい、1883年(明治16年)12月14日 – 1969年(昭和44年)4月26日)は、日本の武道家。合気道の創始者。合気道界では「開祖」(かいそ)と敬称される[5]


Morihei Ueshiba (1883-1969), en japonés 植芝 盛平, fue el artista marcial japonés, fundador del arte marcial del Aikidō. Losaikidōkas también lo llaman Ō-sensei (“Gran Maestro”) en señal de admiración y respeto.

El verdadero nacimiento del Aikido se dio como resultado de tres momentos de despertar espiritual que Ueshiba experimentó. El primero ocurrió en 1925, cuando Ueshiba derrotó desarmado a un oficial de la marina que le atacó con una katana de madera, sin dañarle. Su segunda experiencia ocurrió en 1940, cuando le pareció que todos los movimientos que le habían enseñado sus maestros eran completamente nuevos. Ya no eran meras técnicas; eran formas de cultivar la vida, el conocimiento y la virtud. Su tercera experiencia fue en 1942 durante la peor lucha de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ueshiba tuvo una visión del “Gran Espíritu de la Paz”.

Publicaciones

  • Morihei Ueshiba, The Secret Teachings of Aikido (2008), Kodansha International, ISBN 978-4-7700-3030-6 [2]
  • Morihei Ueshiba, Budo: Teachings of the Founder of Aikido (1996), Kodansha International, ISBN 978-4-7700-2070-3 [3]
  • Morihei Ueshiba, The Essence of Aikido: Spiritual Teachings of Morihei Ueshiba (1998), Kodansha International, ISBN 978-4-7700-2357-5 [4]



Videos de Morihei Ueshiba


YouTube – Aikido – O-Sensei Morihei Ueshiba at Iwama


?? ??????? ?????1883????16??12?14? – 1969????44??4?26????????????????????????????????????????[5]


Morihei Ueshiba (1883-1969), en japonés ?? ??, fue el artista marcial japonés, fundador del arte marcial del Aikid?. Losaikid?kas también lo llaman ?-sensei (“Gran Maestro”) en señal de admiración y respeto.

El verdadero nacimiento del Aikido se dio como resultado de tres momentos de despertar espiritual que Ueshiba experimentó. El primero ocurrió en 1925, cuando Ueshiba derrotó desarmado a un oficial de la marina que le atacó con una katana de madera, sin dañarle. Su segunda experiencia ocurrió en 1940, cuando le pareció que todos los movimientos que le habían enseñado sus maestros eran completamente nuevos. Ya no eran meras técnicas; eran formas de cultivar la vida, el conocimiento y la virtud. Su tercera experiencia fue en 1942 durante la peor lucha de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ueshiba tuvo una visión del “Gran Espíritu de la Paz”.

Publicaciones

  • Morihei Ueshiba, The Secret Teachings of Aikido (2008), Kodansha International, ISBN 978-4-7700-3030-6 [2]
  • Morihei Ueshiba, Budo: Teachings of the Founder of Aikido (1996), Kodansha International, ISBN 978-4-7700-2070-3 [3]
  • Morihei Ueshiba, The Essence of Aikido: Spiritual Teachings of Morihei Ueshiba (1998), Kodansha International, ISBN 978-4-7700-2357-5 [4]



Videos de Morihei Ueshiba


YouTube – Aikido – O-Sensei Morihei Ueshiba at Iwama


Cap Arcona

The Cap Arcona was a large German luxury ocean liner, formerly of the Hamburg-South America line. It transported passengers between Germany and South America until 1940 when it was taken over by the German Navy. Late in the war, the steamer was used to … Continue reading

The Cap Arcona was a large German luxury ocean liner, formerly of the Hamburg-South America line. It transported passengers between Germany and South America until 1940 when it was taken over by the German Navy.

Late in the war, the steamer was used to evacuate German soldiers and civilians from East Prussia before the advance of the Soviet Army. While heavily-laden with prisoners from Nazi concentration camps, she was sunk in May 1945 by the Royal Air Force. About 5,000 people died. The sinking of the Cap Arcona was one of the biggest single-incident maritime losses of life during the war and also one of the largest maritime losses of life in history.

Towards the end of April 1945, the German Navy assembled a small fleet of ships in the Bay of Lübeck, consisting of the liners Cap Arcona and SS Deutschland, and the smaller vessels Thielbek and Athen. Since the steering motors were out of use in the Thielbek and the turbines were out of use in the Cap Arcona, the Athen was used to transfer prisoners fromLübeck to the larger ships and between ships. [6] By the end of the month, these ships held more than 10,000 prisoners from the Neuengamme concentration camp and its subcamps, and two barges brought more from Stutthof and Mittelbau-Dora camps.

The order to transfer the prisoners to the prison ships came from Gauleiter Karl Kaufmann in Hamburg, who was himself acting on orders from Berlin.

Later, during a war crimes tribunal, Kaufmann claimed the prisoners were going to be sent to Sweden. However, Georg-Henning Graf von Bassewitz-Behr, Hamburg’s last Higher SS and Police Leader (HSSPF), testified at the same trial that the prisoners were in fact to be killed “in compliance with Himmler‘s orders”.[7] It has been suggested that the ships were to be scuttled with the prisoners still aboard.[8] Kurt Rickert, who had worked for Bassewitz-Behr, testified at the Hamburg War Crimes Trial that he believed the ships were to be sunk by U-boats or Luftwaffe aircraft.[9] Eva Neurath, who was present in Neustadt, and whose husband survived the disaster, said she was told by a police officer that the ships held convicts and were going to be blown up.[10]

On 30 April 1945, two Swedish ships, the Magdalena and Lillie Matthiessen, sailed from Lübeck, the first with 223 western European prisoners, for the most part French-speaking,[note 2] He was transferred from the Thielbek to the Magdalena. The Lillie Matthiesen carried 225 women from Ravensbrück for transportation to hospitals in Sweden.

On 2 May 1945, the British Second Army reached the towns of Lübeck and WismarNo. 6 Commando1st Special Service Brigade commanded by Brigadier Derek Mills-Roberts, and 11th Armoured Division, commanded by Major-General George P. B. Roberts, entered Lübeck without resistance. Mr. De Blonay of the International Committee of the Red Cross informed Major-General Roberts that 7,000-8,000 prisoners were aboard ships in the Bay of Lübeck.[11][12]

Sinking

Loading 60lb RP-3 rockets onto a Typhoon

Bay of Lübeck, three kilometers from Neustadt (left at the top): Position of the sinking of Cap Arcona.[13]

The burning Cap Arcona shortly after the attacks.

On 3 May 1945, three days after Hitler‘s suicide and only one day before the unconditional surrender of the German troops in northwestern Germany at Lüneburg Heath to Field Marshal Montgomery, the Cap Arcona, the Thielbek, and the passenger liner Deutschland were attacked as part of general strikes on shipping in the Baltic Sea by RAF Typhoons of 83 Group of the 2nd Tactical Air Force.

The aircraft were from No. 184 SquadronNo. 193 SquadronNo. 263 SquadronNo. 197 Squadron RAF, and No. 198 Squadron. Besides four 20 mm cannon, these Hawker Typhoon Mark 1B fighter-bombers carried either eight HE High Explosive “60 lb” RP-3 unguided rockets or two 500 lb (230 kg) bombs.

Pilots in the attacking force were unaware that the ships were laden with prisoners who had survived the camps. Some sources suggest elements of British command knew, but had failed to pass on the information.[note 3] The RAF commanders ordering the strike reportedly thought that the ships carried escaping SS officers, possibly fleeing to German-controlled Norway with a dilapidated wreck.[14]

Equipped with lifejackets from locked storage compartments, most of the SS guards managed to jump overboard from the Cap Arcona, and there are rumours that despite a water temperature of only 7°C, they shot any prisoners who tried to escape. German trawlers sent to rescue the Cap Arcona‘s crew members and guards managed to save 16 sailors, 400 SS men, and 20 SS women. Most prisoners who tried to board the trawlers were shoved back, while those who reached shore were mainly shot by the SS. Only 350 of the 4,500 former concentration camp inmates aboard the Cap Arcona survived.[7]

RAF Pilot Allan Wyse of No. 193 Squadron recalled, “We used our cannon fire at the chaps in the water… we shot them up with 20 mm cannons in the water. Horrible thing, but we were told to do it and we did it. That’s war.”[15]

Severely damaged and set on fire, the Cap Arcona eventually capsized. The death toll was estimated at 5,000.[16]  A memorial commemorates the victims of two ships: the Cap Arcona and the Thielbek, which is where the total of 7,000  Photos of the burning ships, listed as DeutschlandThielbek, and Cap Arcona, and of the emaciated survivors swimming in the very cold Baltic Sea, around 7 °C (44.6 °F), were taken on a reconnaissance mission over the Bay of Lübeck byF-6 Mustang (the photo-reconnaissance version of the P-51) of the USAAF‘s 161st Tactical Reconnaissance Squadron around 5:00 pm, shortly after the attack.[17]

On 4 May 1945, a British reconnaissance plane took photos of the two wrecks, Thielbek and Cap Arcona,[18] the Bay of Neustadt being shallow. The capsized hulk of the Cap Arcona later drifted ashore, and the beached wreck was finally broken up in 1949. For weeks after the attack, bodies of victims washed ashore, where they were collected and buried in mass graves at Neustadt in HolsteinScharbeutz and Timmendorfer Strand.[19] Parts of skeletons washed ashore over the next thirty years, with the last find in 1971.[20]

Memorial to Cap Arcona andThielbek victims at Neustadt in Holstein.

Memorial in the Waldfriedhof Timmendorfer Strand for 810 victims of the Cap Arcona.

Cross of the honour churchyard with a commemorative stone near Haffkrug.

Memorial stone in the cemetery ofNiendorf (Baltic Sea) to remember 113 victims of the Cap Arcona tragedy.

Cenotaph of the Cap Arcona inKlütz.

Memorial of the Cap Arcona in thePoel Island.

The prisoners aboard the ships were of at least 30 nationalities: American, Belarussian, Belgian, Canadian, Czechoslovakian, Danish, Dutch, Estonian, Finnish, French, German, Greek, Hungarian, Italian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Luxembourger, Norwegian, Polish, Romanian, Russian, Spanish, Swiss, Ukrainian, Yugoslavian and possibly others.

The ships were to be taken out into the middle of the Bay of Lübeck and then scuttled with the prisoners locked below decks so as to drown them. This was stated at the war crimes trial of the men responsible and the officer in charge (Max Pauly, ex-Commandant of Neuengamme) along with several others, was hanged. 82.111.65.142 13:35, 3 May 2005 (UTC)

“the ships were to be taken out into the middle of the Bay of Lübeck and then scuttled with the prisoners locked below decks so as to drown them.”
This claim is unsubstanciated and illogical. Why should they walk the prisoners from Neuengamme to Luebeck, put them on ships and wait for them to be sunk by the British? They killed 55,000+ in Neuengamme, so why wouldn’t they go on and kill 7,000 more? The claim that the ships were to be scuttled is nothing but a lame excuse of the RAF (sinking ships with prisoners was more than a little embarrassment …) 141.13.8.14 11:17, 3 May 2006 (UTC)
the claim is also impossible as the middle of the bay is not deep enough to sink a ship as big as the Cap Arcona. It would partially be left standing on the bottom sticking out of the water. See here: http://data.ecology.su.se/baltic96/depth.htm

surre
Given that the RAF strafed survivors of the sinking to ensure that they did not reach shore alive, and the words of Allan Wyse make clear that this was ordered and that those being strafed were known to be noncombatants, this claim rings more than a bit hollow. –7Kim 14:23, 3 May 2007 (UTC)
However illogical the arugment of them drowning prisoners of wars, if it was stated in the Nuremburg Trials, it should be regarded as fact as many other articles use what went on during the trial as fact, unless someone wishes to contend that part of the Nuremburg was false. Either way, it’s going to need a citation.

Günther Schwarberg states in his book “Angriffsziel Cap Arcona” (which is, incidentally, listed as one of the sources for this article) that ‘Cap Arcona’ had effectively been handed back to the Hamburg-Süd line, after the ship’s engine systems had been ruined during her last trip as a refugee-ship. She was then confiscated again, this time by the SS, and the prisoners were brought aboard. The involvement of Graf Bernadotte must, under these circumstances, be seen as pure whitewash: She would not have been able to make any crossing under her own steam. On the other hand, it seems highly probable that she was indeed intended to be sunk with the prisoners aboard; the camps had in fact been dissolved primarily for the purpose of disposing of witnesses- many of whom perished by being marched across Germany, with little food or water. Towing her further out to sea and opening the seacocks would have been quite possible, and would be very much in tune with the usual efficiency of the SS in murdering people. Towing her all the way to Sweden would have been a different thing altogether. However- if she was intended to be scuttled, she would not have been towed to the middle of the Bay of Lübeck, but further out altogether. As for the British military authorities- I wouldn’t be able to say what exactly they did or did not know; but there are some good reasons to assume that they did know quite a few things. They were able to deciphre radio-messages coded with one particular model of the ‘Enigma’-coding-machine to the point were they could translate 75 % of the intercepted messages within 15 minutes after intercdeption, and the remaining 25 % within a few hours. That particular ‘Enigma’-model had originally been in use with the Luftwaffe, but had been replaced by a newer model; the model in question (Enigma-D, I believe) was then primarily used by the SS, the German postal service, and the Reichsbahn.

(Source: “Entschied Ultra den Krieg?”, 1981, ISBN 3-8033-0314-1; Original version of this book: “Ultra goes to war- the secret story” by Ronald Lewin, Hutchinson / London , 1978)

The Wehrmacht was extremely distrusting as far as Radio-communications were concerned; they preferred cable-links such as Telephone and Telegraph for their communications. The result was that the Telephone-system within Germany was constantly overloaded; subsequently the Reichsbahn- charged with organising rail-transportation of troops and materials not only within Germany, but also throughout the occupied territories- had to rely increasingly on using Radio-transmitters for their own communications. These communications were coded with the very Enigma-codes the British were able to de-code as described above. That means they were able to see exactly when a train with prisoners was to leave, what route it would take and where it was destined: It was the Reichsbahn who were responsible for most of the prisoner-transports, including those destined for the death-camps. Many of the ‘Cap Arcona’- prisoners were not transported by train, but some of them were- and, as I said, the SS was using the same Enigma-machines at any rate. That means the British *must* have known- or so logic would dictate. 83.71.24.140 (talk) 22:51, 25 December 2007 (UTC)

“British intelligence” (hopefully not an oxymoron at the time) had concrete knowledge about who was on board the three ships (and nevertheless went on to the sinking & killing of 7,000 people)?

From the French Web site : http://www.michel-hollard.com/ “Michel Hollard : En février 1944, il est arrêté par la Gestapo à Paris en compagnie de deux de ses subordonnés. Torturé, emprisonné à Fresnes et condamné à mort, il est déporté au camp de concentration de Neuengamme. Il est sauvé miraculeusement du naufrage du Cap Arcona, en baie de Lubeck, que l’ennemi sabordait intentionnellement. Ce sauvetage est dû au Prince Bernadotte qui, informé par l’Intelligence Britannique, envoya une vedette sur place et obtint le salut de quelques prisonniers de langue française.” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michel_Hollard

???

Silmido is an uninhabited island next to Muuido Island in the Yellow Sea. Silmido is located in the west coast of South Korea. It has 0.25081km2 land area and 6 km circumference. It is 20 km from Incheon Metropolitan City of southwest and is about 5 km away from Incheon International Airport. Silmido is connected two times a day to Muuido as mud flat. Most of this island consists of mountains that are around 80m high.[1]
Silmido became historically significant when it was used as the training ground of Unit 684 army group. On 1968, January 21, North Korea’s guerrillas infiltrated the border and reached till Segumjunggogae (Sinyeong-dong, Jongno-gu), a suburb  of Seoul, to attack the Blue House to assassinate the President Park Chung-hee.[2] Due to this incident the Central Intelligence Agency of South Korea built 209th Detachment, 2325th Group (unit 684– 1968. April) in revenge.  unit 684 members had to endure hellish training for 3 years and 4 months. However, during the training period, South Korean government decided to follow policy that ties the two countries. Unit 684 members escaped Silmido by mutiny. However, they were stoped by government troops in Youngdungpo-gu Daebang-dong. Then, Unit 684 group committed suicide in a stolen bus (they exploded grenades , 4 members survive) on August 23rd 1971.[3]

After the novel ‘Silmido’(1999) of Baek Dong-ho was published, Silmido became known.

Silmido is a 2003 South Korean film, directed by Kang Woo-suk. It is based on the true story of Unit 684, though parts of the film are extrapolations as the actual details of events are unknown. The film was both critically well received and a financial success, and was the first film in South Korea to attract a box office audience of over 10 million viewers.

On 21 January 1968, 31 North Korean commandos of Unit 124 are shown to have infiltrated South Korea in a failed mission to assassinate President Park Chung-hee.
As a means of retaliation, the South Korean military assembled a team of 31 social outcasts including criminals on death row and life imprisonment, in a plot to kill Kim Il-sung. The team is designated ‘Unit 684’. The recruits are taken to the island of Silmido for training. The mission is offered to the recruits as the only way to redeem themselves and show their loyalty to their country. If they succeed, they will win their freedom and a new life. With this goal in mind, they endure their training. The training is shown over several months, with the recruits enduring various forms of extremely vigorous training and regular physical punishment, including being branded. One recruit is killed after he falls from a ropes course.
At the end of their training, they are dispatched on their mission to North Korea, but are recalled not long after their departure. It is revealed that the project has been called off, as the government attempts a peaceful reunification with the North. The recruits return to Silmido discouraged and frustrated. Shortly afterwards two of the Unit 684 members escape from their barracks and rape a female doctor. They are quickly discovered, and believing that they will be executed, decide to commit suicide. One kills the other at his request but is apprehended before he is able to kill himself. The apprehended soldier is then returned to the camp, tied up, and made to watch his fellow Unit 684 members being beaten by the guards for the two men’s betrayal. Enraged, one of the Unit 684 members being beaten is able to take his guard’s bat and kills the tied up soldier for bringing disgrace to the unit.
To keep the plot to kill Kim Il-sung unknown to the outside world, the South Korean intelligence agency decide to kill all the members of Unit 684. The unit’s commander protests, but is told that if his troops failed to follow this order, they too would be killed alongside Unit 684. Torn between his duty to follow orders and his personal honor, the commander intentionally leaks this information to one of the Unit 684 members. Unit 684, realizing they are going to be killed that same night, make plans to mutiny. They attack and kill the majority of their guards, and find out from one of the guards that they legally no longer exist, and never would have received recognition for their mission if it succeeded, nor even be allowed to return to society. Unit 684 decide to escape from the island and make their story known. The 20 remaining members of Unit 684 capture a bus containing civilians and head to Seoul. An official pronouncement is heard over the radio that 20 “armed communist agents” have infiltrated the country, and a state of emergency is declared. After charging through one army roadblock and winning a firefight they are eventually stopped and surrounded by soldiers in front of the Yuhan Corporation building in Dongjak District, Seoul. A firefight ensures, with the South Korean army showing no regard for the welfare of the civilians on board the bus. All of the Unit 684 members are either killed or wounded, and many South Korean soldiers are also killed. The surviving Unit 684 members release the civilians who have not been killed by the South Korean army, before committing suicide using their own hand grenades. An investigation into the incident is shown to have been carried out; however the report is not read and is seen to be filed away in storage.

The release of this film brought public attention to Unit 684, and in 2006 the South Korean government released an official report on the unit and the uprising, officially acknowledging its existence for the first time.[4]Brigadier general Nam Dae Yeon said that the 31 Silmido recruits who made up Unit 684 were part of an air force squadron. Seven died in training and 20 were killed in the uprising. The four who survived were executed after a military trial in 1972.[5] Nam stated that documents describing Unit 684’s mission no longer exist, but the government has not denied that its mission was to kill Kim Il-sung.[5]
What actually caused the uprising on August 23, 1971, is unclear. The film shows the government deciding that the recruits had to be killed because they knew too much. The recruits find out and revolt. Jonathan Kim, the film’s producer, acknowledges that history is unclear at this point.[5]
Six guards survived the Silmido uprising. One of the guards, Yang Dong Su, confirmed that the unit’s mission had been to infiltrate North Korea and kill Kim Il-sung. Yang stated that though the film portrays the 31 recruits as death-row inmates, most were petty criminals. Yang stated that “They were the kind who would get into street fights a lot”. Yang also gives his version of why the uprising occurred.

They revolted because they felt that they were never going to get the chance to go to North Korea and that they would never be allowed to leave the island. They were in despair.[5]

—Yang Dong Su

On May 19, 2010, the Seoul Central District Court ordered that the government pay 273 million won in compensation to the families of 21 members of Unit 684. The court found that “the Silmido agents were not informed of the level of danger involved with their training, and the harshness of the training violated their basic human rights” and also acknowledged the emotional pain the government caused by not officially disclosing the agents’ deaths to family members until 2006.[4]

Silmido is an uninhabited island next to Muuido Island in the Yellow Sea. Silmido is located in the west coast of South Korea. It has 0.25081km2 land area and 6 km circumference. It is 20 km from Incheon Metropolitan City of southwest and is about 5 km away from Incheon International Airport. Silmido is connected two times a day to Muuido as mud flat. Most of this island consists of mountains that are around 80m high.[1]
Silmido became historically significant when it was used as the training ground of Unit 684 army group. On 1968, January 21, North Korea’s guerrillas infiltrated the border and reached till Segumjunggogae (Sinyeong-dong, Jongno-gu), a suburb  of Seoul, to attack the Blue House to assassinate the President Park Chung-hee.[2] Due to this incident the Central Intelligence Agency of South Korea built 209th Detachment, 2325th Group (unit 684– 1968. April) in revenge.  unit 684 members had to endure hellish training for 3 years and 4 months. However, during the training period, South Korean government decided to follow policy that ties the two countries. Unit 684 members escaped Silmido by mutiny. However, they were stoped by government troops in Youngdungpo-gu Daebang-dong. Then, Unit 684 group committed suicide in a stolen bus (they exploded grenades , 4 members survive) on August 23rd 1971.[3]

After the novel ‘Silmido’(1999) of Baek Dong-ho was published, Silmido became known.

Silmido is a 2003 South Korean film, directed by Kang Woo-suk. It is based on the true story of Unit 684, though parts of the film are extrapolations as the actual details of events are unknown. The film was both critically well received and a financial success, and was the first film in South Korea to attract a box office audience of over 10 million viewers.

On 21 January 1968, 31 North Korean commandos of Unit 124 are shown to have infiltrated South Korea in a failed mission to assassinate President Park Chung-hee.
As a means of retaliation, the South Korean military assembled a team of 31 social outcasts including criminals on death row and life imprisonment, in a plot to kill Kim Il-sung. The team is designated ‘Unit 684’. The recruits are taken to the island of Silmido for training. The mission is offered to the recruits as the only way to redeem themselves and show their loyalty to their country. If they succeed, they will win their freedom and a new life. With this goal in mind, they endure their training. The training is shown over several months, with the recruits enduring various forms of extremely vigorous training and regular physical punishment, including being branded. One recruit is killed after he falls from a ropes course.
At the end of their training, they are dispatched on their mission to North Korea, but are recalled not long after their departure. It is revealed that the project has been called off, as the government attempts a peaceful reunification with the North. The recruits return to Silmido discouraged and frustrated. Shortly afterwards two of the Unit 684 members escape from their barracks and rape a female doctor. They are quickly discovered, and believing that they will be executed, decide to commit suicide. One kills the other at his request but is apprehended before he is able to kill himself. The apprehended soldier is then returned to the camp, tied up, and made to watch his fellow Unit 684 members being beaten by the guards for the two men’s betrayal. Enraged, one of the Unit 684 members being beaten is able to take his guard’s bat and kills the tied up soldier for bringing disgrace to the unit.
To keep the plot to kill Kim Il-sung unknown to the outside world, the South Korean intelligence agency decide to kill all the members of Unit 684. The unit’s commander protests, but is told that if his troops failed to follow this order, they too would be killed alongside Unit 684. Torn between his duty to follow orders and his personal honor, the commander intentionally leaks this information to one of the Unit 684 members. Unit 684, realizing they are going to be killed that same night, make plans to mutiny. They attack and kill the majority of their guards, and find out from one of the guards that they legally no longer exist, and never would have received recognition for their mission if it succeeded, nor even be allowed to return to society. Unit 684 decide to escape from the island and make their story known. The 20 remaining members of Unit 684 capture a bus containing civilians and head to Seoul. An official pronouncement is heard over the radio that 20 “armed communist agents” have infiltrated the country, and a state of emergency is declared. After charging through one army roadblock and winning a firefight they are eventually stopped and surrounded by soldiers in front of the Yuhan Corporation building in Dongjak District, Seoul. A firefight ensures, with the South Korean army showing no regard for the welfare of the civilians on board the bus. All of the Unit 684 members are either killed or wounded, and many South Korean soldiers are also killed. The surviving Unit 684 members release the civilians who have not been killed by the South Korean army, before committing suicide using their own hand grenades. An investigation into the incident is shown to have been carried out; however the report is not read and is seen to be filed away in storage.

The release of this film brought public attention to Unit 684, and in 2006 the South Korean government released an official report on the unit and the uprising, officially acknowledging its existence for the first time.[4] Brigadier general Nam Dae Yeon said that the 31 Silmido recruits who made up Unit 684 were part of an air force squadron. Seven died in training and 20 were killed in the uprising. The four who survived were executed after a military trial in 1972.[5] Nam stated that documents describing Unit 684’s mission no longer exist, but the government has not denied that its mission was to kill Kim Il-sung.[5]
What actually caused the uprising on August 23, 1971, is unclear. The film shows the government deciding that the recruits had to be killed because they knew too much. The recruits find out and revolt. Jonathan Kim, the film’s producer, acknowledges that history is unclear at this point.[5]
Six guards survived the Silmido uprising. One of the guards, Yang Dong Su, confirmed that the unit’s mission had been to infiltrate North Korea and kill Kim Il-sung. Yang stated that though the film portrays the 31 recruits as death-row inmates, most were petty criminals. Yang stated that “They were the kind who would get into street fights a lot”. Yang also gives his version of why the uprising occurred.

They revolted because they felt that they were never going to get the chance to go to North Korea and that they would never be allowed to leave the island. They were in despair.[5]

—Yang Dong Su

On May 19, 2010, the Seoul Central District Court ordered that the government pay 273 million won in compensation to the families of 21 members of Unit 684. The court found that “the Silmido agents were not informed of the level of danger involved with their training, and the harshness of the training violated their basic human rights” and also acknowledged the emotional pain the government caused by not officially disclosing the agents’ deaths to family members until 2006.[4]

???

Published on Sep 27, 2013

中村嘉津雄 真行寺君枝 尾藤イサオ 三原じゅん子 長谷川明夫
文部省特選
ストーリー: 越後長岡藩が、戊辰戦争で維新政府軍に破れ、その日の糧にも事欠く悲惨な状況にあった­時、分家の三根山藩から米百俵が見舞いとして贈られてきました。しかし、小林虎三郎は­この米を藩士たちに分配せず、学校設立資金として換金しようと決断したのです。「教育­こそ百年の大計、人物を創れ!」怒り狂う藩士たちに向かって死を覚悟で信念を貫き通し­、偉業を成し遂げる物語です。
ハイビジョンアワード1993選定委員長賞受賞
第6回東京国際映画祭出品作品
1993国際エレクトロシネマフェスティバル出品作品

Published on Sep 27, 2013

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226

Published on Jan 1, 2013

サブタイトル:英語、ハンガリー語
二・二六事件の発生から終結までの四日間を、オールスターキャストで描いた五社英雄監­督作品。原作・脚本は笠原和夫。
 昭和11年2月26日。昭和維新を掲げた陸軍の青年将校たちは、1500人にも及ぶ決­起部隊を率いてクーデターを起こした。彼らは雪の降る中、岡田首相、高橋蔵相、斎藤内­大臣、鈴木侍従長などを襲撃。翌27日に戒厳令が施行され、決起部隊は原隊への復帰命­令を受けた。原隊からの食糧提供も止められ、将校たちは自分の家族や恋人のことを思い­返す。野中大尉は安藤大尉に部隊の原隊復帰を説得、最初は抵抗していた安藤も兵士たち­を投降させることにした。安藤は拳銃自殺を図るが未遂に終わる。野中は拳銃で自決した­。決起部隊の19人の将校たちは軍法会議で有罪となり、銃殺刑に処せられるのだった。


The February 26 Incident (二・二六事件 Niniroku Jiken?) (also known as the 2-26 Incident) was an attempted coup d’état in Japan on 26 February 1936. It was organized by a group of young Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) officers with the goal of purging the government and military leadership of their factional rivals and ideological opponents.
Although the rebels succeeded in assassinating several leading officials (including two former Prime Ministers) and in occupying the government center of Tokyo, they failed to assassinate the current Prime Minister Keisuke Okada or secure control of the Imperial Palace. Their supporters in the army made attempts to capitalize on their actions, but divisions within the military, combined with Imperial anger at the coup, meant they were unable to achieve a change of government. Facing overwhelming opposition as the army moved against them, the rebels surrendered on 29 February.[3]
Unlike earlier examples of political violence by young officers, the coup attempt had severe consequences. After a series of closed trials, 19 of the uprising’s leaders were executed for mutiny and another 40 imprisoned. The radical Kōdō-ha faction lost its influence within the army, the period of “government by assassination” came to a close, and the military increased its control over the civilian government.

The Imperial Japanese Army had a long history of factionalism among its high-ranking officers, originally stemming from domainal rivalries in the Meiji period. By the early 1930s, officers in the high command had become split into two main informal groups: the Kōdō-ha “Imperial Way” faction led by Gen. Araki Sadao and his ally Gen. Jinzaburō Mazaki and the Tōsei-ha “Control” faction identified with Gen. Tetsuzan Nagata.[4][5][6]
The Kōdō-ha emphasized the importance of Japanese culture, spiritual purity over material quality, and the need to attack the Soviet Union while the Tōsei-ha officers, who were strongly influenced by the ideas of the contemporary German general staff, supported central economic and military planning (total war theory), technological modernization, mechanization, and expansion within China. The Kōdō-ha was dominant in the army during Araki’s tenure as Minister of War from 1931 to 1934, occupying most significant staff positions, but many of its members were replaced by Tōsei-ha officers following Araki’s resignation.[7][8]

The Young Officers

Army officers were divided between those whose education had ended at the Army Academy (a secondary school) and those who had advanced on to the prestigious Army War College. The latter group formed the elite of the officer corps, while officers of the former group were effectively barred by tradition from advancement to staff positions. A number of these lesser-privileged officers formed the army’s contribution to the young, highly politicized group often referred to as the “young officers” (青年将校 seinen shōkō?).[9][10]
The young officers believed that the problems facing the nation were the result of Japan straying from the “kokutai(国体?) (an amorphous term often translated as “national polity”, it roughly signifies the relationship between the Emperor and the state). The “privileged classes” exploited the people, leading to widespread poverty in rural areas, and deceived the Emperor, usurping his power and weakening Japan. The solution, they believed, was a “Shōwa Restoration” modeled on the Meiji Restoration of 70 years earlier. By rising up and destroying the “evil advisers around the Throne”, the officers would enable the Emperor to re-establish his authority. The Emperor would then purge Western ideas and those who exploited the people, restoring prosperity to the nation. These beliefs were strongly influenced by contemporary nationalist thought, especially the political philosophy of the former socialist Ikki Kita.[11]
The loose-knit group varied in size, but is estimated to have had roughly a hundred regular members, mostly officers in Tokyo area. Its informal leader was Mitsugi (Zei) Nishida. Nishida, a former army lieutenant and disciple of Kita, had become a prominent member of the civilian nationalist societies that proliferated from the late 1920s. Nishida referred to the army group as the Kokutai Genri-ha (国体原理派 National Principle?) faction. Involved to at least some extent in most of the political violence of the period, following the March and October Incidents of 1931, the army and navy members of the group split and largely ended their association with civilian nationalists.[12][13][14]
Despite its relatively small size, the faction was influential, due in no small part to the threat it posed. It had sympathizers among the general staff and imperial family (most notably Prince Chichibu, the Emperor’s brother (and, until 1933, heir), who was friends with Nishida and other Kokutai Genri-ha leaders). Despite being fiercely anti-capitalist, it had also managed to secure irregular funding from zaibatsu leaders who hoped to shield themselves.[15]
The exact nature of the relationship between the Kōdō-ha and the Kokutai Genri-ha is complicated. The two factions are often treated as the same or as two groups forming a larger whole. Contemporary accounts and the writings of members of the two groups make clear they were actually distinct groups in a mutually beneficial alliance, however. The Kōdō-ha shielded the Kokutai Genri-ha and provided it with access while they in exchange benefited from their perceived ability to restrain the radical officers.[16][17][18]

Political Violence

The years leading up to the February 26 Incident were marked by a series of outbursts of violence by the young officers and their fellow nationalists against their political opponents. Most notably, in the May 15 Incident of 1932 young naval officers assassinated Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi. This incident is significant because it convinced the young army officers (who were aware of, but not involved in the attack) of the need to utilize troops in any potential coup attempt. The ringleaders of the incident, as in the previous March and October incidents, received relatively light punishments.[19]
The direct prelude to the coup, however, was the 1934 Military Academy Incident (November Incident) and its consequences. In this incident Capt. Takaji Muranaka and Capt. Asaichi Isobe, prominent members of the Kokutai Genri-ha, were arrested for planning a coup with a group of military cadets. Muranaka and Isobe admitted discussing such a coup, but denied having any plans to actually carry it out. The military court investigating the incident found there was insufficient evidence to indict, but Muranaka and Isobe were suspended by the army. The two were convinced that the incident was a Tōsei-ha attack on the young officers and began circulating a pamphlet calling for a “housecleaning” of the army and naming Nagata as the “chief villain”. They were then expelled from the army.[20][21][22]
It was at this time that the last Kōdō-ha officer in a prominent position, Gen. Mazaki, was forced from office. The young officers were enraged by Mazaki’s removal because, having become disillusioned with Araki for his failures to overcome resistance in the cabinet during his time as War Minister, Mazaki had become the focus of their hopes. Muranaka and Isobe released a new pamphlet attacking Nagata for the dismissal, as did Nishida.[23][24][25]
On 12 August 1935, in the “Aizawa Incident“, Lt. Colonel Saburō Aizawa, a member of the Kokutai Genri-ha and a friend of Mazaki, murdered Nagata in his office in retaliation. Aizawa’s public trial (which began in late January 1936) became a media sensation as Aizawa and the Kokutai Genri-ha leadership, in collusion with the judges, turned it into a soapbox from which their ideology could be broadcast. Aizawa’s supporters in the mass media praised Aizawa’s “morality and patriotism”, and Aizawa himself came to be seen as “a simple soldier who sought only to reform the army and the nation according to the true National Principle.”

Published on Jan 1, 2013

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???11?2?26?????????????????????1500??????­????????????????????????????????????????­???????????????27???????????????????????­????????????????????????????????????????­????????????????????????????????????????­????????????????????????????????????????­??????19????????????????????????????????


The February 26 Incident (?????? Niniroku Jiken?) (also known as the 2-26 Incident) was an attempted coup d’état in Japan on 26 February 1936. It was organized by a group of young Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) officers with the goal of purging the government and military leadership of their factional rivals and ideological opponents.
Although the rebels succeeded in assassinating several leading officials (including two former Prime Ministers) and in occupying the government center of Tokyo, they failed to assassinate the current Prime Minister Keisuke Okada or secure control of the Imperial Palace. Their supporters in the army made attempts to capitalize on their actions, but divisions within the military, combined with Imperial anger at the coup, meant they were unable to achieve a change of government. Facing overwhelming opposition as the army moved against them, the rebels surrendered on 29 February.[3]
Unlike earlier examples of political violence by young officers, the coup attempt had severe consequences. After a series of closed trials, 19 of the uprising’s leaders were executed for mutiny and another 40 imprisoned. The radical K?d?-ha faction lost its influence within the army, the period of “government by assassination” came to a close, and the military increased its control over the civilian government.

The Imperial Japanese Army had a long history of factionalism among its high-ranking officers, originally stemming from domainal rivalries in the Meiji period. By the early 1930s, officers in the high command had become split into two main informal groups: the K?d?-ha “Imperial Way” faction led by Gen. Araki Sadao and his ally Gen. Jinzabur? Mazaki and the T?sei-ha “Control” faction identified with Gen. Tetsuzan Nagata.[4][5][6]
The K?d?-ha emphasized the importance of Japanese culture, spiritual purity over material quality, and the need to attack the Soviet Union while the T?sei-ha officers, who were strongly influenced by the ideas of the contemporary German general staff, supported central economic and military planning (total war theory), technological modernization, mechanization, and expansion within China. The K?d?-ha was dominant in the army during Araki’s tenure as Minister of War from 1931 to 1934, occupying most significant staff positions, but many of its members were replaced by T?sei-ha officers following Araki’s resignation.[7][8]

The Young Officers

Army officers were divided between those whose education had ended at the Army Academy (a secondary school) and those who had advanced on to the prestigious Army War College. The latter group formed the elite of the officer corps, while officers of the former group were effectively barred by tradition from advancement to staff positions. A number of these lesser-privileged officers formed the army’s contribution to the young, highly politicized group often referred to as the “young officers” (???? seinen sh?k??).[9][10]
The young officers believed that the problems facing the nation were the result of Japan straying from the “kokutai(???) (an amorphous term often translated as “national polity”, it roughly signifies the relationship between the Emperor and the state). The “privileged classes” exploited the people, leading to widespread poverty in rural areas, and deceived the Emperor, usurping his power and weakening Japan. The solution, they believed, was a “Sh?wa Restoration” modeled on the Meiji Restoration of 70 years earlier. By rising up and destroying the “evil advisers around the Throne”, the officers would enable the Emperor to re-establish his authority. The Emperor would then purge Western ideas and those who exploited the people, restoring prosperity to the nation. These beliefs were strongly influenced by contemporary nationalist thought, especially the political philosophy of the former socialist Ikki Kita.[11]
The loose-knit group varied in size, but is estimated to have had roughly a hundred regular members, mostly officers in Tokyo area. Its informal leader was Mitsugi (Zei) Nishida. Nishida, a former army lieutenant and disciple of Kita, had become a prominent member of the civilian nationalist societies that proliferated from the late 1920s. Nishida referred to the army group as the Kokutai Genri-ha (????? National Principle?) faction. Involved to at least some extent in most of the political violence of the period, following the March and October Incidents of 1931, the army and navy members of the group split and largely ended their association with civilian nationalists.[12][13][14]
Despite its relatively small size, the faction was influential, due in no small part to the threat it posed. It had sympathizers among the general staff and imperial family (most notably Prince Chichibu, the Emperor’s brother (and, until 1933, heir), who was friends with Nishida and other Kokutai Genri-ha leaders). Despite being fiercely anti-capitalist, it had also managed to secure irregular funding from zaibatsu leaders who hoped to shield themselves.[15]
The exact nature of the relationship between the K?d?-ha and the Kokutai Genri-ha is complicated. The two factions are often treated as the same or as two groups forming a larger whole. Contemporary accounts and the writings of members of the two groups make clear they were actually distinct groups in a mutually beneficial alliance, however. The K?d?-ha shielded the Kokutai Genri-ha and provided it with access while they in exchange benefited from their perceived ability to restrain the radical officers.[16][17][18]

Political Violence

The years leading up to the February 26 Incident were marked by a series of outbursts of violence by the young officers and their fellow nationalists against their political opponents. Most notably, in the May 15 Incident of 1932 young naval officers assassinated Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi. This incident is significant because it convinced the young army officers (who were aware of, but not involved in the attack) of the need to utilize troops in any potential coup attempt. The ringleaders of the incident, as in the previous March and October incidents, received relatively light punishments.[19]
The direct prelude to the coup, however, was the 1934 Military Academy Incident (November Incident) and its consequences. In this incident Capt. Takaji Muranaka and Capt. Asaichi Isobe, prominent members of the Kokutai Genri-ha, were arrested for planning a coup with a group of military cadets. Muranaka and Isobe admitted discussing such a coup, but denied having any plans to actually carry it out. The military court investigating the incident found there was insufficient evidence to indict, but Muranaka and Isobe were suspended by the army. The two were convinced that the incident was a T?sei-ha attack on the young officers and began circulating a pamphlet calling for a “housecleaning” of the army and naming Nagata as the “chief villain”. They were then expelled from the army.[20][21][22]
It was at this time that the last K?d?-ha officer in a prominent position, Gen. Mazaki, was forced from office. The young officers were enraged by Mazaki’s removal because, having become disillusioned with Araki for his failures to overcome resistance in the cabinet during his time as War Minister, Mazaki had become the focus of their hopes. Muranaka and Isobe released a new pamphlet attacking Nagata for the dismissal, as did Nishida.[23][24][25]
On 12 August 1935, in the “Aizawa Incident“, Lt. Colonel Sabur? Aizawa, a member of the Kokutai Genri-ha and a friend of Mazaki, murdered Nagata in his office in retaliation. Aizawa’s public trial (which began in late January 1936) became a media sensation as Aizawa and the Kokutai Genri-ha leadership, in collusion with the judges, turned it into a soapbox from which their ideology could be broadcast. Aizawa’s supporters in the mass media praised Aizawa’s “morality and patriotism”, and Aizawa himself came to be seen as “a simple soldier who sought only to reform the army and the nation according to the true National Principle.”

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日本映画、まだまだここに在りですね。武士の魂を見せてもらった感です。

Yoshimura Kan’ichiro (main character in this movie):
Excerpt, “There is little record of his participation in battle, however his name is seen in some records as a negotiator.”

The real story may have been very different.

What a romanticization of the samurai way of life. I liked the Twighlight Samurai film more. This film is well produced and acted, it just seems too sentimental and a waste of emotion on such a historically brutal system of governance and an unbalanced warrior culture.

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Yoshimura Kan’ichiro (main character in this movie):
Excerpt, “There is little record of his participation in battle, however his name is seen in some records as a negotiator.”

The real story may have been very different.?

What a romanticization of the samurai way of life. I liked the Twighlight Samurai film more. This film is well produced and acted, it just seems too sentimental and a waste of emotion on such a historically brutal system of governance and an unbalanced warrior culture.

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In the beginning of the Eighteenth Century, in the transition period between the luxurious Genroku Era (1688-1703) and the simple Kyocho Era (1716-1735), the ronin – a samurai without a master – Ihei Misawa (Akira Terao) and his sweet wife Tayo Misawa …

In the beginning of the Eighteenth Century, in the transition period between the luxurious Genroku Era (1688-1703) and the simple Kyocho Era (1716-1735), the ronin – a samurai without a master – Ihei Misawa (Akira Terao) and his sweet wife Tayo Misawa (Yoshiko Miyazaki) are trapped in a very humble inn with very poor guests. The rain does not stop, and the group is unable to follow their journeys, once the water level of the river is too high to be crossed. The good and decent Ilhei goes to a dojo without the knowledge of Tayo and disputes a fight, and with the collected money, he buys food and sake for the starving costumers, making the people very happy. After the rain, in an incident with some locals, he meets the feudal landlord, Lord Nagai Izuminokami Shigeaki (Shiro Mifune), who invites him to be the chief of art of fencing of his warriors, but the envy and proud prevail and Misawa is dismissed from the aimed job. The quiet Tayo decides to present her optimistic and touching viewpoint of what happened to Ilhei.

Written by Claudio Carvalho, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Boxing

This is what happened when a young man broke into his neighbor’s house! The 23 year old intruder had a knife, but 72 year old Frank Corti, a former junior boxing champion, had his fists!The punks name is Gregory McCallium from England. Frank Corti the …

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This is what happened when a young man broke into his neighbor’s house! The 23 year old intruder had a knife, but 72 year old Frank Corti, a former junior boxing champion, had his fists!

The punks name is Gregory McCallium from England. Frank Corti the 72 year old knocked him down with 2 punches, then sat on him until the police arrived. The judge had no sympathy for the punk and said he got what he deserved. 4-1/2 years in jail.