Mongol: The Rise of Genghis Khan

Published on Nov 14, 2015
Mongol: The Rise of Genghis Khan
is a 2007 Russian semi-historical film about the early life of Temüjin, who later came to be known as Genghis Khan. It is directed by Sergei Bodrov, with the storyline conceived from a screenplay written by Bodrov and Arif Aliev. The film was produced by Bodrov, Sergei Selyanov and Anton Melnik and stars Tadanobu Asano, Sun Honglei and Chuluuny Khulan in principal roles. Mongol explores abduction, kinship and the repercussions of war. The film was a co-production between companies in Russia, Germany and Kazakhstan. Filming took place mainly in the People’s Republic of China, principally in Inner Mongolia (the Mongol autonomous region), and in Kazakhstan.

Published on Nov 14, 2015
Mongol: The Rise of Genghis Khan
is a 2007 Russian semi-historical film about the early life of Temüjin, who later came to be known as Genghis Khan. It is directed by Sergei Bodrov, with the storyline conceived from a screenplay written by Bodrov and Arif Aliev. The film was produced by Bodrov, Sergei Selyanov and Anton Melnik and stars Tadanobu Asano, Sun Honglei and Chuluuny Khulan in principal roles. Mongol explores abduction, kinship and the repercussions of war. The film was a co-production between companies in Russia, Germany and Kazakhstan. Filming took place mainly in the People’s Republic of China, principally in Inner Mongolia (the Mongol autonomous region), and in Kazakhstan.

?????

Uploaded on May 22, 2011
1999年4月25日發生了震動世界的法輪功萬人北京上訪事件,事件真相被中共封鎖至­今已有15年,”4.25法輪功萬人上訪真相”仍作為被禁的關鍵­詞,被中共嚴密封鎖和抹黑。
那一天,一萬多名法輪大法修煉者從四面八方來到北京國務院信訪辦公室所在地和平請願。­從清晨到夜晚,歷時十多個小時,無暴力、無口號、無擾民、無垃圾、善意平靜,創造了在­中共幾十年極權統治下不曾有過的官民成功對話、圓滿解決問題的獨有範例,也為

Uploaded on May 22, 2011
1999?4?25???????????????????????????????­???15??”4.25?????????”????????­?????????????
????????????????????????????????????????­????????????????????????????????????????­????????????????????????????????????

The Parthian Empire

The Parthian Empire (/ˈpɑrθiən/; 247 BC – 224 AD), also known as the Arsacid Empire /ˈɑrsəsɪd/,[5] was a major Iranian political and cultural power in ancient Iran, also known as ancient Persia.[6] Its latter name comes from Arsaces I of Parthia[7] who, as leader of the Parni tribe, founded it in the mid-3rd century BC when he conquered the region of Parthia[8] in Iran‘s northeast, then a satrapy(province) in rebellion against the Seleucid Empire. Mithridates I of Parthia (r. c. 171–138 BC) greatly expanded the empire by seizing Media and Mesopotamia from the Seleucids. At its height, the Parthian Empire stretched from the northern reaches of theEuphrates, in what is now central-eastern Turkey, to eastern Iran. The empire, located on the Silk Road trade route between theRoman Empire in the Mediterranean Basin and the Han Empire of China, became a center of trade and commerce.
The Parthians largely adopted the art, architecture, religious beliefs, and royal insignia of their culturally heterogeneous empire, which encompassed Persian, Hellenistic, and regional cultures. For about the first half of its existence, the Arsacid court adopted elements of Greek culture, though it eventually saw a gradual revival of Iranian traditions. The Arsacid rulers were titled the “King of Kings“, as a claim to be the heirs to the Achaemenid Empire; indeed, they accepted many local kings as vassals where the Achaemenids would have had centrally appointed, albeit largely autonomous, satraps. The court did appoint a small number of satraps, largely outside Iran, but these satrapies were smaller and less powerful than the Achaemenid potentates. With the expansion of Arsacid power, the seat of central government shifted from Nisa to Ctesiphon along the Tigris (south of modernBaghdad, Iraq), although several other sites also served as capitals.
The earliest enemies of the Parthians were the Seleucids in the west and the Scythians in the east. However, as Parthia expanded westward, they came into conflict with the Kingdom of Armenia, and eventually the late Roman Republic. Rome and Parthia competed with each other to establish the kings of Armenia as their subordinate clients. The Parthians soundly defeated Marcus Licinius Crassus at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC, and in 40–39 BC, Parthian forces captured the whole of the Levant except Tyrefrom the Romans. However, Mark Antony led a counterattack against Parthia, although his successes were generally achieved in his absence, under the leadership of his lieutenant Ventidius. Also, various Roman emperors or their appointed generals invaded Mesopotamia in the course of the several Roman-Parthian Wars, which ensued during the next few centuries. The Romans captured the cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon on multiple occasions during these conflicts, but were never able to hold onto them.
Frequent civil war between Parthian contenders to the throne proved more dangerous to the Empire’s stability than foreign invasion, and Parthian power evaporated when Ardashir I, ruler of Estakhr in Fars, revolted against the Arsacids and killed their last ruler,Artabanus IV, in 224 AD. Ardashir established the Sassanid Empire, which ruled Iran and much of the Near East until the Muslim conquests of the 7th century AD, although the Arsacid dynasty lived on through the Arsacid Dynasty of Armenia.
Native Parthian sources, written in Parthian, Greek and other languages, are scarce when compared to Sassanid and even earlierAchaemenid sources. Aside from scattered cuneiform tablets, fragmentary ostraca, rock inscriptions, drachma coins, and the chance survival of some parchment documents, much of Parthian history is only known through external sources. These include mainlyGreek and Roman histories, but also Chinese histories, prompted by the market for Chinese goods in Parthia. Parthian artwork is viewed by historians as a valid source for understanding aspects of society and culture that are otherwise absent in textual sources.
Before Arsaces I of Parthia founded the Arsacid Dynasty, he was chieftain of the Parni, an ancient Central-Asian tribe of Iranian peoples and one of several nomadic tribes within the confederation of the Dahae.[9] The Parni most likely spoke an eastern Iranian language, in contrast to the northwestern Iranian language spoken at the time in Parthia.[10] The latter was a northeastern province, first under the Achaemenid, and then the Seleucid empires.[11] After conquering the region, the Parni adopted Parthian as the official court language, speaking it alongside Middle Persian, Aramaic, Greek, Babylonian, Sogdian and other languages in the multilingual territories they would conquer.[12]
Why the Arsacid court retroactively chose 247 BC as the first year of the Arsacid era is uncertain. A.D.H. Bivar concludes that this was the year the Seleucids lost control of Parthia to Andragoras, the appointed satrap who rebelled against them. Hence, Arsaces I “backdated hisregnal years” to the moment when Seleucid control over Parthia ceased.[13] However, Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis asserts that this was simply the year Arsaces was made chief of the Parni tribe.[14] Homa Katouzian[15] and Gene Ralph Garthwaite[16] claim it was the year Arsaces conquered Parthia and expelled the Seleucid authorities, yet Curtis[14] and Maria Brosius[17] state that Andragoras was not overthrown by the Arsacids until 238 BC.
During the reign of Artabanus II, two Jewish commoners and brothers, Anilai and Asinai from Nehardea (near modern Fallujah, Iraq),[101] led a revolt against the Parthian governor of Babylonia. After defeating the latter, the two were granted the right to govern the region by Artabanus II, who feared further rebellion elsewhere.[102] Anilai’s Parthian wife poisoned Asinai out of fear he would attack Anilai over his marriage to a gentile. Following this, Anilai became embroiled in an armed conflict with a son-in-law of Artabanus, who eventually defeated him.[103] With the Jewish regime removed, the native Babylonians began to harass the local Jewish community, forcing them to emigrate to Seleucia. When that city rebelled against Parthian rule in 35–36 AD, the Jews were expelled again, this time by the local Greeks andAramaeans. The exiled Jews fled to Ctesiphon, Nehardea, and Nisibis.[104]

A denarius struck in 19 BC during the reign of Augustus, with the goddess Feronia depicted on the obverse, and on the reverse a Parthian man kneeling in submission while offering the Roman military standardstaken at the Battle of Carrhae[105]
Although at peace with Parthia, Rome still interfered in its affairs. The Roman emperor Tiberius (r. 14–37 AD) became involved in a plot byPharasmanes I of Iberia to place his brother Mithridates on the throne of Armenia by assassinating the Parthian ally King Arsaces of Armenia.[106] Artabanus II tried and failed to restore Parthian control of Armenia, prompting an aristocratic revolt that forced him to flee toScythia. The Romans released a hostage prince, Tiridates III of Parthia, to rule the region as an ally of Rome. Shortly before his death, Artabanus managed to force Tiridates from the throne using troops from Hyrcania.[107] After Artabanus’ death in 38 AD, a long civil war ensued between the rightful successor Vardanes I of Parthia and his brother Gotarzes II of Parthia.[108] After Vardanes was assassinated during a hunting expedition, the Parthian nobility appealed to Roman emperor Claudius (r. 41–54 AD) in 49 AD to release the hostage prince Meherdates to challenge Gotarzes. This backfired when Meherdates was betrayed by the governor of Edessa and Izates bar Monobaz ofAdiabene; he was captured and sent to Gotarzes, where he was allowed to live after having his ears mutilated, an act that disqualified him from inheriting the throne.[109]
In 97 AD, the Chinese general Ban Chao, the Protector-General of the Western Regions, sent his emissary Gan Ying on a diplomatic mission to reach the Roman Empire. Gan visited the court of Pacorus II of Parthia at Hecatompylos before departing towards Rome.[110] He traveled as far west as the Persian Gulf, where Parthian authorities convinced him that an arduous sea voyage around the Arabian Peninsula was the only means to reach Rome.[111]Discouraged by this, Gan Ying returned to the Han court and provided Emperor He of Han (r. 88–105 AD) with a detailed report on the Roman Empire based on oral accounts of his Parthian hosts.[112] William Watson speculates that the Parthians would have been relieved at the failed efforts by the Han Empire to open diplomatic relations with Rome, especially after Ban Chao’s military victories against the Xiongnu in eastern Central Asia.[110] However, Chinese records maintain that a Roman embassy, perhaps only a group of Roman merchants, arrived at the Han capital Luoyang in 166 AD, during the reigns of Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) and Emperor Huan of Han (r. 146–168 AD).
The Parthian Empire had no standing army, yet were able to quickly recruit troops in the event of local crises.[189] There was a permanent armed guard attached to the person of the king, comprising nobles, serfs and mercenaries, but this royal retinue was small.[190] Garrisons were also permanently maintained at border forts; Parthian inscriptions reveal some of the military titles granted to the commanders of these locations.[190] Military forces could also be used in diplomatic gestures. For example, when Chinese envoys visited Parthia in the late 2nd century BC, the Shiji maintains that 20,000 horsemen were sent to the eastern borders to serve as escorts for the embassy, although this figure is perhaps an exaggeration.[191]
The main striking force of the Parthian army was its cataphracts, heavy cavalry with man and horse decked in mailed armor.[192] The cataphracts were equipped with a lance for charging into enemy lines,but were not equipped with bows and arrows which were restricted to horse archers.[193] Due to the cost of their equipment and armor, cataphracts were recruited from among the aristocratic class who, in return for their services, demanded a measure of autonomy at the local level from the Arsacid kings.[194] The light cavalry was recruited from among the commoner class and acted as horse archers; they wore a simple tunic and trousers into battle.[192] They used composite bowsand were able to shoot at enemies while riding and facing away from them; this technique, known as the Parthian shot, was a highly effective tactic.[195] The heavy and light cavalry of Parthia proved to be a decisive factor in the Battle of Carrhae where a Persian force defeated a much larger Roman army under Crassus. Light infantry units, composed of levied commoners and mercenaries, were used to disperse enemy troops after cavalry charges.[196]
The size of the Parthian army is unknown, as is the size of the empire’s overall population. However, archaeological excavations in former Parthian urban centers reveal settlements which could have sustained large populations and hence a great resource in manpower.[197]Dense population centers in regions like Babylonia were no doubt attractive to the Romans, whose armies could afford to live off the land.
The Parthian Empire, being culturally and politically heterogeneous, had a variety of religious systems and beliefs, the most widespread being those dedicated to Greek and Iranian cults.[214] Aside from a minority of Jews[215] and early Christians,[216] most Parthians werepolytheistic.[217] Greek and Iranian deities were often blended together as one. For example, Zeus was often equated with Ahura Mazda,Hades with Angra Mainyu, Aphrodite and Hera with Anahita, Apollo with Mithra, and Hermes with Shamash.[218] Aside from the main gods and goddesses, each ethnic group and city had their own designated deities.[217] As with Seleucid rulers,[219] Parthian art indicates that the Arsacid kings viewed themselves as gods; this cult of the ruler was perhaps the most widespread.[220]
The extent of Arsacid patronism of Zoroastrianism is debated in modern scholarship.[221] The followers of Zoroaster would have found the bloody sacrifices of some Parthian-era Iranian cults to be unacceptable.[214] However, there is evidence that Vologeses I encouraged the presence of Zoroastrian magi priests at court and sponsored the compilation of sacred Zoroastrian texts which later formed the Avesta.[222]The Sassanid court would later adopt Zoroastrianism as the official state religion of the empire.[223]
Although Mani (216–276 AD), the founding prophet of Manichaeism, did not proclaim his first religious revelation until 228/229 AD, Bivar asserts that his new faith contained “elements of Mandaean belief, Iranian cosmogony, and even echoes of Christianity … [it] may be regarded as a typical reflection of the mixed religious doctrines of the late Arsacid period, which the Zoroastrian orthodoxy of the Sasanians was soon to sweep away.”[224]
There is scant archaeological evidence for the spread of Buddhism from the Kushan Empire into Iran proper.[225] However, it is known from Chinese sources that An Shigao (fl. 2nd century AD), a Parthian nobleman and Buddhist monk, traveled to Luoyang in Han China as aBuddhist missionary and translated several Buddhist canons into Chinese.
The Parthian Empire (/?p?r?i?n/; 247 BC – 224 AD), also known as the Arsacid Empire /??rs?s?d/,[5] was a major Iranian political and cultural power in ancient Iran, also known as ancient Persia.[6] Its latter name comes from Arsaces I of Parthia[7] who, as leader of the Parni tribe, founded it in the mid-3rd century BC when he conquered the region of Parthia[8] in Iran‘s northeast, then a satrapy(province) in rebellion against the Seleucid Empire. Mithridates I of Parthia (r. c. 171–138 BC) greatly expanded the empire by seizing Media and Mesopotamia from the Seleucids. At its height, the Parthian Empire stretched from the northern reaches of theEuphrates, in what is now central-eastern Turkey, to eastern Iran. The empire, located on the Silk Road trade route between theRoman Empire in the Mediterranean Basin and the Han Empire of China, became a center of trade and commerce.
The Parthians largely adopted the art, architecture, religious beliefs, and royal insignia of their culturally heterogeneous empire, which encompassed Persian, Hellenistic, and regional cultures. For about the first half of its existence, the Arsacid court adopted elements of Greek culture, though it eventually saw a gradual revival of Iranian traditions. The Arsacid rulers were titled the “King of Kings“, as a claim to be the heirs to the Achaemenid Empire; indeed, they accepted many local kings as vassals where the Achaemenids would have had centrally appointed, albeit largely autonomous, satraps. The court did appoint a small number of satraps, largely outside Iran, but these satrapies were smaller and less powerful than the Achaemenid potentates. With the expansion of Arsacid power, the seat of central government shifted from Nisa to Ctesiphon along the Tigris (south of modernBaghdad, Iraq), although several other sites also served as capitals.
The earliest enemies of the Parthians were the Seleucids in the west and the Scythians in the east. However, as Parthia expanded westward, they came into conflict with the Kingdom of Armenia, and eventually the late Roman Republic. Rome and Parthia competed with each other to establish the kings of Armenia as their subordinate clients. The Parthians soundly defeated Marcus Licinius Crassus at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC, and in 40–39 BC, Parthian forces captured the whole of the Levant except Tyrefrom the Romans. However, Mark Antony led a counterattack against Parthia, although his successes were generally achieved in his absence, under the leadership of his lieutenant Ventidius. Also, various Roman emperors or their appointed generals invaded Mesopotamia in the course of the several Roman-Parthian Wars, which ensued during the next few centuries. The Romans captured the cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon on multiple occasions during these conflicts, but were never able to hold onto them.
Frequent civil war between Parthian contenders to the throne proved more dangerous to the Empire’s stability than foreign invasion, and Parthian power evaporated when Ardashir I, ruler of Estakhr in Fars, revolted against the Arsacids and killed their last ruler,Artabanus IV, in 224 AD. Ardashir established the Sassanid Empire, which ruled Iran and much of the Near East until the Muslim conquests of the 7th century AD, although the Arsacid dynasty lived on through the Arsacid Dynasty of Armenia.
Native Parthian sources, written in Parthian, Greek and other languages, are scarce when compared to Sassanid and even earlierAchaemenid sources. Aside from scattered cuneiform tablets, fragmentary ostraca, rock inscriptions, drachma coins, and the chance survival of some parchment documents, much of Parthian history is only known through external sources. These include mainlyGreek and Roman histories, but also Chinese histories, prompted by the market for Chinese goods in Parthia. Parthian artwork is viewed by historians as a valid source for understanding aspects of society and culture that are otherwise absent in textual sources.
Before Arsaces I of Parthia founded the Arsacid Dynasty, he was chieftain of the Parni, an ancient Central-Asian tribe of Iranian peoples and one of several nomadic tribes within the confederation of the Dahae.[9] The Parni most likely spoke an eastern Iranian language, in contrast to the northwestern Iranian language spoken at the time in Parthia.[10] The latter was a northeastern province, first under the Achaemenid, and then the Seleucid empires.[11] After conquering the region, the Parni adopted Parthian as the official court language, speaking it alongside Middle Persian, Aramaic, Greek, Babylonian, Sogdian and other languages in the multilingual territories they would conquer.[12]
Why the Arsacid court retroactively chose 247 BC as the first year of the Arsacid era is uncertain. A.D.H. Bivar concludes that this was the year the Seleucids lost control of Parthia to Andragoras, the appointed satrap who rebelled against them. Hence, Arsaces I “backdated hisregnal years” to the moment when Seleucid control over Parthia ceased.[13] However, Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis asserts that this was simply the year Arsaces was made chief of the Parni tribe.[14] Homa Katouzian[15] and Gene Ralph Garthwaite[16] claim it was the year Arsaces conquered Parthia and expelled the Seleucid authorities, yet Curtis[14] and Maria Brosius[17] state that Andragoras was not overthrown by the Arsacids until 238 BC.
During the reign of Artabanus II, two Jewish commoners and brothers, Anilai and Asinai from Nehardea (near modern Fallujah, Iraq),[101] led a revolt against the Parthian governor of Babylonia. After defeating the latter, the two were granted the right to govern the region by Artabanus II, who feared further rebellion elsewhere.[102] Anilai’s Parthian wife poisoned Asinai out of fear he would attack Anilai over his marriage to a gentile. Following this, Anilai became embroiled in an armed conflict with a son-in-law of Artabanus, who eventually defeated him.[103] With the Jewish regime removed, the native Babylonians began to harass the local Jewish community, forcing them to emigrate to Seleucia. When that city rebelled against Parthian rule in 35–36 AD, the Jews were expelled again, this time by the local Greeks andAramaeans. The exiled Jews fled to Ctesiphon, Nehardea, and Nisibis.[104]

A denarius struck in 19 BC during the reign of Augustus, with the goddess Feronia depicted on the obverse, and on the reverse a Parthian man kneeling in submission while offering the Roman military standardstaken at the Battle of Carrhae[105]
Although at peace with Parthia, Rome still interfered in its affairs. The Roman emperor Tiberius (r. 14–37 AD) became involved in a plot byPharasmanes I of Iberia to place his brother Mithridates on the throne of Armenia by assassinating the Parthian ally King Arsaces of Armenia.[106] Artabanus II tried and failed to restore Parthian control of Armenia, prompting an aristocratic revolt that forced him to flee toScythia. The Romans released a hostage prince, Tiridates III of Parthia, to rule the region as an ally of Rome. Shortly before his death, Artabanus managed to force Tiridates from the throne using troops from Hyrcania.[107] After Artabanus’ death in 38 AD, a long civil war ensued between the rightful successor Vardanes I of Parthia and his brother Gotarzes II of Parthia.[108] After Vardanes was assassinated during a hunting expedition, the Parthian nobility appealed to Roman emperor Claudius (r. 41–54 AD) in 49 AD to release the hostage prince Meherdates to challenge Gotarzes. This backfired when Meherdates was betrayed by the governor of Edessa and Izates bar Monobaz ofAdiabene; he was captured and sent to Gotarzes, where he was allowed to live after having his ears mutilated, an act that disqualified him from inheriting the throne.[109]
In 97 AD, the Chinese general Ban Chao, the Protector-General of the Western Regions, sent his emissary Gan Ying on a diplomatic mission to reach the Roman Empire. Gan visited the court of Pacorus II of Parthia at Hecatompylos before departing towards Rome.[110] He traveled as far west as the Persian Gulf, where Parthian authorities convinced him that an arduous sea voyage around the Arabian Peninsula was the only means to reach Rome.[111]Discouraged by this, Gan Ying returned to the Han court and provided Emperor He of Han (r. 88–105 AD) with a detailed report on the Roman Empire based on oral accounts of his Parthian hosts.[112] William Watson speculates that the Parthians would have been relieved at the failed efforts by the Han Empire to open diplomatic relations with Rome, especially after Ban Chao’s military victories against the Xiongnu in eastern Central Asia.[110] However, Chinese records maintain that a Roman embassy, perhaps only a group of Roman merchants, arrived at the Han capital Luoyang in 166 AD, during the reigns of Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) and Emperor Huan of Han (r. 146–168 AD).
The Parthian Empire had no standing army, yet were able to quickly recruit troops in the event of local crises.[189] There was a permanent armed guard attached to the person of the king, comprising nobles, serfs and mercenaries, but this royal retinue was small.[190] Garrisons were also permanently maintained at border forts; Parthian inscriptions reveal some of the military titles granted to the commanders of these locations.[190] Military forces could also be used in diplomatic gestures. For example, when Chinese envoys visited Parthia in the late 2nd century BC, the Shiji maintains that 20,000 horsemen were sent to the eastern borders to serve as escorts for the embassy, although this figure is perhaps an exaggeration.[191]
The main striking force of the Parthian army was its cataphracts, heavy cavalry with man and horse decked in mailed armor.[192] The cataphracts were equipped with a lance for charging into enemy lines,but were not equipped with bows and arrows which were restricted to horse archers.[193] Due to the cost of their equipment and armor, cataphracts were recruited from among the aristocratic class who, in return for their services, demanded a measure of autonomy at the local level from the Arsacid kings.[194] The light cavalry was recruited from among the commoner class and acted as horse archers; they wore a simple tunic and trousers into battle.[192] They used composite bowsand were able to shoot at enemies while riding and facing away from them; this technique, known as the Parthian shot, was a highly effective tactic.[195] The heavy and light cavalry of Parthia proved to be a decisive factor in the Battle of Carrhae where a Persian force defeated a much larger Roman army under Crassus. Light infantry units, composed of levied commoners and mercenaries, were used to disperse enemy troops after cavalry charges.[196]
The size of the Parthian army is unknown, as is the size of the empire’s overall population. However, archaeological excavations in former Parthian urban centers reveal settlements which could have sustained large populations and hence a great resource in manpower.[197]Dense population centers in regions like Babylonia were no doubt attractive to the Romans, whose armies could afford to live off the land.
The Parthian Empire, being culturally and politically heterogeneous, had a variety of religious systems and beliefs, the most widespread being those dedicated to Greek and Iranian cults.[214] Aside from a minority of Jews[215] and early Christians,[216] most Parthians werepolytheistic.[217] Greek and Iranian deities were often blended together as one. For example, Zeus was often equated with Ahura Mazda,Hades with Angra Mainyu, Aphrodite and Hera with Anahita, Apollo with Mithra, and Hermes with Shamash.[218] Aside from the main gods and goddesses, each ethnic group and city had their own designated deities.[217] As with Seleucid rulers,[219] Parthian art indicates that the Arsacid kings viewed themselves as gods; this cult of the ruler was perhaps the most widespread.[220]
The extent of Arsacid patronism of Zoroastrianism is debated in modern scholarship.[221] The followers of Zoroaster would have found the bloody sacrifices of some Parthian-era Iranian cults to be unacceptable.[214] However, there is evidence that Vologeses I encouraged the presence of Zoroastrian magi priests at court and sponsored the compilation of sacred Zoroastrian texts which later formed the Avesta.[222]The Sassanid court would later adopt Zoroastrianism as the official state religion of the empire.[223]
Although Mani (216–276 AD), the founding prophet of Manichaeism, did not proclaim his first religious revelation until 228/229 AD, Bivar asserts that his new faith contained “elements of Mandaean belief, Iranian cosmogony, and even echoes of Christianity … [it] may be regarded as a typical reflection of the mixed religious doctrines of the late Arsacid period, which the Zoroastrian orthodoxy of the Sasanians was soon to sweep away.”[224]
There is scant archaeological evidence for the spread of Buddhism from the Kushan Empire into Iran proper.[225] However, it is known from Chinese sources that An Shigao (fl. 2nd century AD), a Parthian nobleman and Buddhist monk, traveled to Luoyang in Han China as aBuddhist missionary and translated several Buddhist canons into Chinese.

Helping is influenced by economic environment

… Mais le narrateur est plutôt tenté de croire qu’en donnant trop d’importance aux belles actions, on rend finalement un hommage indirect et puissant au mal. Car on laisse supposer alors que ces belles actions n’ont tant de prix que parce qu’elles sont rares et que la méchanceté et l’indifférence sont des moteurs bien plus fréquents dans les actions des hommes…

Albert Camus
La peste

Helping is influenced by economic environment within the culture. In general, frequency of helping behavior is inversely related to the country economic status. It is true that appearances count as people make assumptions about the situation, but the deciding factor is the reaction of the people that first see the person in distress. The major explanation for people failing to stop and help a victim is how obsessed with haste they are. People who were in a hurry did not even notice the victim, although, once they arrived at their destination and had time to think about the consequences, they felt some guilt and anxiousness.

The possibility of enacting laws to punish passers-by who refuse to help people in obvious distress become a hot topic in the southern province of Guangdong, China in 2011. Legal experts and the public debated the idea after a hit-an-run victim was ignored by at least 18 passers-bys.

Yue Yue, the little girl victim, was finally moved to the roadside by a 57-year-old scrap collector, Chen Xianmei, who then called for the girl’s parents. What Chen Xianmei did was to lift the brain-dead limp body of the child from the road and put it on the sidewalk before calling the mother. This trivial natural act that took her 12 seconds was deemed an heroic deed done for the sake of notoriety. The driver who first hit the toddler said in a telephone interview with a Guangdong television station that he had been talking on his phone when the girl walked in front of his vehicle. He said he kept driving because if she were dead, it would only cost him 10,000 to 20,000 renminbi ($1,500 to $3,000), but if she were alive, he would have to pay hundreds of thousands of renminbi in medical bills. As callous as this person might be, it is hard to believe that he would be so blunt on a public interview. Referring to the driver’s comments, one Internet user wrote, “If the compensation for a death were higher than the cost of medical care, these cases might not happen.” The writer added, it was “unrealistic” to expect a change soon, because for Chinese today, “all they can think about is food and clothes.”

The behavior of other people in similar situations suggest that it is indeed less of a trouble for the responsible party in a traffic accident to kill than to injure, and that, in any case, is not much of a deal if one has the right connections. Thus, the Chinese government has figure out yet another way to save a few renminbi by not requiring driver’s insurance and sending victims of traffic accidents to the trashcan if they happen to be poor.

China’s population is split in two groups that the Chinese themselves call euphemistically city-dwellers (bureaucrats, technocrats, businessmen) and migrant workers (slave labor) . Chen Xianmei, the illiterate scrap peddler who picked up Foshan toddler Yueyue off the street, and who finally called for the little girl’s mother, illustrates of the moral and mental differences between the two groups. She left Guangzhou after being overwhelmed by media requests and offerings of cash. Chen’s landlady even threatened eviction, due to the distraction of having media members lined up outside her apartment. Her neighbors claimed that she helped Yueyue to become famous. Dongguan, a home products company, gave her 100,000 RMB in cash, along with another 20,000RMB from the Foshan municipal government. Chen visited the hospital to see Yueyue’s parents and give them all the cash she had received: “I don’t even know how much this is. I’ve thinking only of the child, so I haven’t even counted the money given to me these past few days. I’ve brought it all for the child.” Chen left for her hometown of Qingyuan (清远) in Guangdong, to reunite with her husband. Chen had been working in Foshan since 2009 to be with her children.

 The Telegraph posts that pedestrians may have been afraid to help Yue Yue because of China’s “compensation culture.” The paper refers to a 2006 judgment in which a person who helped a woman get to a hospital was “wrongly ordered to pay her compensation.” Bystanders who did intervene to help others have found themselves accused of wrongdoing. In China, one is not expected to help a victim of an accident and the government actively discourages such acts. The Health Ministry in September issued new “Good Samaritan” guidelines that essentially warn passersby not to rush to help elderly people on the ground, but to first ascertain whether they are conscious and then wait for trained medical personnel to arrive.

In the eastern province of Jiangsu, a bus driver named Yin Hongbing stopped to help an elderly woman who had been struck by a hit-and-run driver. But until he was vindicated by surveillance videos, Yin was the one accused of hitting the woman. There have also been several cases of passersby stopping to help elderly people who had fallen, or were pushed, and who then were sued by the victims or were arrested. The thinking here is: They must have been responsible or they would not have stopped to help.

 Empirical evidence and academic studies suggest that in an urban setting, the probability that a person in distress would be helped, depends heavily on the actions of the people present at the moment of the emergency and that the larger the crowd, the least likely help will be offered. There are many an example of this in the United States. The major explanation for people failing to stop and help a victim is how obsessed with haste they are.

Is there an absolute objective moral value? This is one of the first unsolvable questions of Philosophy. There are claims made by some that without God there would be no absolute morality. I do not follow the argument. The gist seems to be that since there is no objective basis for an absolute morality, and since an absolute morality seems to be a good thing, and since the existence of God would be an absolute reference, then God exists.

References:

CROSS-CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN HELPING STRANGERS,
ROBERT V. LEVINE,
ARA NORENZAYAN,
KAREN PHILBRICK

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Helping_behavior

Washington Post Wang Juan report from Wenzhou.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Li_Gang_incidenthttp://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/an-injured-toddler-is-ignored-and-chinese-ask-why/2011/10/19/gIQAxhnpxL_story.html?tid=sm_btn_twitterhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder_of_Kitty_Genovese

http://ayn-rand.info/cth–25-Why_Did_Kitty_Genovese_Die.aspx

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder_of_Kitty_Genovese

http://peopletriggers.wordpress.com/2010/06/01/the-six-weapons-of-influence-part-3-social-proof/

http://www.experiment-resources.com/helping-behavior.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asch_conformity_experiments

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Cialdini

http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/102780/7621597.html

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-15382273

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-15398332

… Mais le narrateur est plutôt tenté de croire qu’en donnant trop d’importance aux belles actions, on rend finalement un hommage indirect et puissant au mal. Car on laisse supposer alors que ces belles actions n’ont tant de prix que parce qu’elles sont rares et que la méchanceté et l’indifférence sont des moteurs bien plus fréquents dans les actions des hommes…

Albert Camus
La peste

Helping is influenced by economic environment within the culture. In general, frequency of helping behavior is inversely related to the country economic status. It is true that appearances count as people make assumptions about the situation, but the deciding factor is the reaction of the people that first see the person in distress. The major explanation for people failing to stop and help a victim is how obsessed with haste they are. People who were in a hurry did not even notice the victim, although, once they arrived at their destination and had time to think about the consequences, they felt some guilt and anxiousness.

The possibility of enacting laws to punish passers-by who refuse to help people in obvious distress become a hot topic in the southern province of Guangdong, China in 2011. Legal experts and the public debated the idea after a hit-an-run victim was ignored by at least 18 passers-bys.

Yue Yue, the little girl victim, was finally moved to the roadside by a 57-year-old scrap collector, Chen Xianmei, who then called for the girl’s parents. What Chen Xianmei did was to lift the brain-dead limp body of the child from the road and put it on the sidewalk before calling the mother. This trivial natural act that took her 12 seconds was deemed an heroic deed done for the sake of notoriety. The driver who first hit the toddler said in a telephone interview with a Guangdong television station that he had been talking on his phone when the girl walked in front of his vehicle. He said he kept driving because if she were dead, it would only cost him 10,000 to 20,000 renminbi ($1,500 to $3,000), but if she were alive, he would have to pay hundreds of thousands of renminbi in medical bills. As callous as this person might be, it is hard to believe that he would be so blunt on a public interview. Referring to the driver’s comments, one Internet user wrote, “If the compensation for a death were higher than the cost of medical care, these cases might not happen.” The writer added, it was “unrealistic” to expect a change soon, because for Chinese today, “all they can think about is food and clothes.”

The behavior of other people in similar situations suggest that it is indeed less of a trouble for the responsible party in a traffic accident to kill than to injure, and that, in any case, is not much of a deal if one has the right connections. Thus, the Chinese government has figure out yet another way to save a few renminbi by not requiring driver’s insurance and sending victims of traffic accidents to the trashcan if they happen to be poor.

China’s population is split in two groups that the Chinese themselves call euphemistically city-dwellers (bureaucrats, technocrats, businessmen) and migrant workers (slave labor) . Chen Xianmei, the illiterate scrap peddler who picked up Foshan toddler Yueyue off the street, and who finally called for the little girl’s mother, illustrates of the moral and mental differences between the two groups. She left Guangzhou after being overwhelmed by media requests and offerings of cash. Chen’s landlady even threatened eviction, due to the distraction of having media members lined up outside her apartment. Her neighbors claimed that she helped Yueyue to become famous. Dongguan, a home products company, gave her 100,000 RMB in cash, along with another 20,000RMB from the Foshan municipal government. Chen visited the hospital to see Yueyue’s parents and give them all the cash she had received: “I don’t even know how much this is. I’ve thinking only of the child, so I haven’t even counted the money given to me these past few days. I’ve brought it all for the child.” Chen left for her hometown of Qingyuan (??) in Guangdong, to reunite with her husband. Chen had been working in Foshan since 2009 to be with her children.

 The Telegraph posts that pedestrians may have been afraid to help Yue Yue because of China’s “compensation culture.” The paper refers to a 2006 judgment in which a person who helped a woman get to a hospital was “wrongly ordered to pay her compensation.” Bystanders who did intervene to help others have found themselves accused of wrongdoing. In China, one is not expected to help a victim of an accident and the government actively discourages such acts. The Health Ministry in September issued new “Good Samaritan” guidelines that essentially warn passersby not to rush to help elderly people on the ground, but to first ascertain whether they are conscious and then wait for trained medical personnel to arrive.

In the eastern province of Jiangsu, a bus driver named Yin Hongbing stopped to help an elderly woman who had been struck by a hit-and-run driver. But until he was vindicated by surveillance videos, Yin was the one accused of hitting the woman. There have also been several cases of passersby stopping to help elderly people who had fallen, or were pushed, and who then were sued by the victims or were arrested. The thinking here is: They must have been responsible or they would not have stopped to help.

 Empirical evidence and academic studies suggest that in an urban setting, the probability that a person in distress would be helped, depends heavily on the actions of the people present at the moment of the emergency and that the larger the crowd, the least likely help will be offered. There are many an example of this in the United States. The major explanation for people failing to stop and help a victim is how obsessed with haste they are.

Is there an absolute objective moral value? This is one of the first unsolvable questions of Philosophy. There are claims made by some that without God there would be no absolute morality. I do not follow the argument. The gist seems to be that since there is no objective basis for an absolute morality, and since an absolute morality seems to be a good thing, and since the existence of God would be an absolute reference, then God exists.

References:

CROSS-CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN HELPING STRANGERS,
ROBERT V. LEVINE,
ARA NORENZAYAN,
KAREN PHILBRICK

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Helping_behavior

Washington Post Wang Juan report from Wenzhou.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Li_Gang_incidenthttp://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/an-injured-toddler-is-ignored-and-chinese-ask-why/2011/10/19/gIQAxhnpxL_story.html?tid=sm_btn_twitterhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder_of_Kitty_Genovese

http://ayn-rand.info/cth–25-Why_Did_Kitty_Genovese_Die.aspx

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder_of_Kitty_Genovese

http://peopletriggers.wordpress.com/2010/06/01/the-six-weapons-of-influence-part-3-social-proof/

http://www.experiment-resources.com/helping-behavior.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asch_conformity_experiments

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Cialdini

http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/102780/7621597.html

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-15382273

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-15398332

???

Tsai Chih Chung (Chinese: 蔡志忠; pinyin: Cài Zhìzhōng; born 1948) is a famous cartoonist born in Huatan, Changhua County, Taiwan of Taiwanese origins.[1] He is best known for his graphical works on Chinese philosophy and history, most notably the philosophers Laozi, Liezi, and Zhuangzi, which he made accessible and popularised through the use of plain language and visual aid of cartoon graphics.[2] Many of his earlier four paneled works contain elements of political satire and those which are purely comical such as his well known work, The Drunken Swordsman (大醉俠).[1]
The books of Tsai Chih Chung have been very well received by the public in both Taiwan and mainland China. They have subsequently been translated into dozens of languages including English.[2] He currently resides in Taiwan and Vancouver.

Voici une histoire sur la cohérence des paroles et des actes (et du rapport maître-disciple) extraite de Soyons Zen :

Cai Zhizhong: A Master Cartoonist

“Cartoons speak in a language that not only expresses satire and humor, but also reflects human love and natural beauty. They can describe everything. I am particularly fond of ancient Chinese philosophies, so I make cartoons out of them.”

—-Cai Zhizhong in an interview with New Business in 2005

The first to create cartoons of the ancient Chinese classics

Born in 1948, Cai Zhizhong, a popular cartoonist from Taiwan, was the first to use cartoons to illustrate the seemingly recondite ancient Chinese classics in such an amusing way. China has a wealth of spiritual heritage, including philosophical thoughts, poems from the Tang dynasty (618-907), the Book of Changes and Zen Buddhism. According to Cai, this wealth of spiritual heritage may not be easily understood, prompting his attempts to express these complex ideas with simple and interesting cartoons.

Starting from the 1980s, Cai created a series of Chinese comic books on ancient Chinese classics, like Zhuangzi Speaks: The Music of Nature, Zen Speaks: Shouts of Nothingness, Confucius Speaks: Words to Live by, Sunzi Speaks: The Art of War, and The Tao Speaks: Lao Tzu’s Whispers of Wisdom. Confucius, Lao Tzu, Zhuangzi, and Sunzi are widely credited as sages whose thoughts have played an important role in China’s development. Cai put his unique understanding and feelings of ancient thoughts into his cartoons, and added a modern interpretation of them, making boring ancient philosophies quite amusing as well as understandable. His works won a large number of adult readers for comic books, a market predominantly children-targeted. This series of comic books has hoarded great applause from readers both in Taiwan and Chinese mainland, with 4 million copies sold in Taiwan.


Tsai Chih Chung (Chinese: ???; pinyin: Cài Zhìzh?ng; born 1948) is a famous cartoonist born in Huatan, Changhua County, Taiwan of Taiwanese origins.[1] He is best known for his graphical works on Chinese philosophy and history, most notably the philosophers Laozi, Liezi, and Zhuangzi, which he made accessible and popularised through the use of plain language and visual aid of cartoon graphics.[2] Many of his earlier four paneled works contain elements of political satire and those which are purely comical such as his well known work, The Drunken Swordsman (???).[1]
The books of Tsai Chih Chung have been very well received by the public in both Taiwan and mainland China. They have subsequently been translated into dozens of languages including English.[2] He currently resides in Taiwan and Vancouver.

Voici une histoire sur la cohérence des paroles et des actes (et du rapport maître-disciple) extraite de Soyons Zen :

Cai Zhizhong: A Master Cartoonist

“Cartoons speak in a language that not only expresses satire and humor, but also reflects human love and natural beauty. They can describe everything. I am particularly fond of ancient Chinese philosophies, so I make cartoons out of them.”

—-Cai Zhizhong in an interview with New Business in 2005

The first to create cartoons of the ancient Chinese classics

Born in 1948, Cai Zhizhong, a popular cartoonist from Taiwan, was the first to use cartoons to illustrate the seemingly recondite ancient Chinese classics in such an amusing way. China has a wealth of spiritual heritage, including philosophical thoughts, poems from the Tang dynasty (618-907), the Book of Changes and Zen Buddhism. According to Cai, this wealth of spiritual heritage may not be easily understood, prompting his attempts to express these complex ideas with simple and interesting cartoons.

Starting from the 1980s, Cai created a series of Chinese comic books on ancient Chinese classics, like Zhuangzi Speaks: The Music of Nature, Zen Speaks: Shouts of Nothingness, Confucius Speaks: Words to Live by, Sunzi Speaks: The Art of War, and The Tao Speaks: Lao Tzu’s Whispers of Wisdom. Confucius, Lao Tzu, Zhuangzi, and Sunzi are widely credited as sages whose thoughts have played an important role in China’s development. Cai put his unique understanding and feelings of ancient thoughts into his cartoons, and added a modern interpretation of them, making boring ancient philosophies quite amusing as well as understandable. His works won a large number of adult readers for comic books, a market predominantly children-targeted. This series of comic books has hoarded great applause from readers both in Taiwan and Chinese mainland, with 4 million copies sold in Taiwan.